Officials here claimed on Thursday that the government had accepted (Ravindra Narayan) Ravi’s resignation as the interlocutor for the Naga peace process. According to a senior Nagaland government official who spoke on the condition of anonymity, Ravi wrote to the Union Home Ministry on Wednesday, requesting that the government relinquish him because it was “inconvenient” for him to discharge his duties as the Interlocutor after taking office as Governor of Tamil Nadu.
Since 2014, Ravi has been undertaking peace talks with the Naga insurgent group NSCN-IM. Ravi was governor of Nagaland from September 9 to September 9, when he was transferred to Tamil Nadu, where he assumed office on Saturday. Until proper preparations are completed, Assam Governor Jagdish Mukhi has been assigned the additional job of Nagaland Governor.
Ravi, who was a former Intelligence Bureau (IB) official, was relocated to Tamil Nadu and relieved of his interlocutor responsibilities at a time when his relationship with the National Socialist Council of Nagalim (NSCN-IMIsak-Muivah)’s faction had become sour on a number of key issues.
He was designated as the Centre’s intermediary for the Naga peace negotiations on August 29, 2014, shortly after Prime Minister Narendra Modi‘s government assumed power. He was named the 19th Governor of Nagaland on August 1, 2019, after serving as the Deputy National Security Advisor since October 2018. He was still acting as the central government’s interlocutor.
The Naga Peace Process
Since 1997, the Indian government has been in talks with Naga insurgent factions, the NSCN(IM), with the goal of signing a Naga Peace Accord. One of the country’s oldest insurgencies is the Naga insurgency, which is founded in Naga nationalism. The Naga-populated parts of the Northeast were never considered to be part of British India, and on August 14, 1947, the Naga National Council (NNC), led by Angami Zapu Phizo, pronounced Nagaland independent. In reaction to Phizo’s formation of an underground Naga Federal Government (NFG) and Naga Federal Army (NFA) in 1952, the Centre dispatched the Army and established the Armed Forces (Special) Powers Act, or AFSPA.
Nearly 100 rounds of negotiations have taken place. The organisation and the Indian government signed a framework deal for the Naga Peace Accord on August 3, 2015. Ravi was named as the interlocutor in charge of bringing the talks to a close. Despite the fact that both the government and Naga organisations said the talks finished on October 31, 2019, the government’s deadline, no agreement was achieved. After the negotiations, Ravi’s relationship with the NSCN(IM) deteriorated. The government had IB special director Akshay Mishra take over and continue the assignation in January 2020.
Despite demands from many political parties, including the Congress, for the provisions of the “Framework Agreement” to be made public, the Union Government has yet to react. After more than 80 rounds of negotiations spanning 18 years, the framework agreement was negotiated, with the first breakthrough being in 1997, when a ceasefire agreement was struck in Nagaland after decades of rebellion. However, little headway has been made in the peace talks because the NSCN-IM has requested a distinct flag and constitution for Nagaland, which the Central government has rejected.
Where did it go wrong?
The reasons for the IM’s hardening stance have never been revealed. According to security sources, things began to deteriorate after Ravi realised that the NSCN(IM) and the Indian government had different interpretations of the framework agreement. The group was adamant about having a Naga constitution and lobbying for a Greater Nagalim that would extend beyond the current Nagaland state’s borders.
According to Naga sources, the IM eased its stance on the demand for a distinct flag and constitution during the talks. According to sources, even the accord’s different competencies had been agreed upon, albeit a few stumbling blocks remained.
Ravi reached an agreement with seven organisations that came together under the name of the Naga National Political Groups (NNPGs) in November 2017, although the NSCN was not among them (IM). Many of the NNPG organisations have fought the IM, which views itself to be the primary representative of Naga ambitions. The IM accused Ravi of aiming to “segregate the Naga civil society” in a letter to Prime Minister Narendra Modi in 2020.
Following the developing gap between NSCN-IM and Ravi last year, the Intelligence Bureau (IB) was assigned to contact with Naga organisations. It’s worth noting that the previous interlocutor also wrote Nagaland Chief Minister Neiphiu Rio a letter about the state’s deteriorating law and order situation. Ravi’s relationship with NSCN-IM was also strained because of this action. Ravi had claimed that armed gangs were running parallel governments, questioning the legitimacy of the state government, citing rampant extortion and bloodshed. His judgement was not deemed “factual” by the state administration.
Ravi voiced his dissatisfaction with the delay in finishing the deal after becoming Nagaland Governor in 2019. Ravi stated the NSCN(IM) had “taken a procrastinating approach to delay the settlement” by raising the “contentious symbolic issues of distinct Naga national flag and constitution” after negotiations with Naga society representatives in October 2019. He stated that a draught complete settlement agreement had been reached by both parties and was ready to be signed.
The NSCN(IM) retaliated by stating that the Naga flag and constitution were non-negotiable. It said that the framework agreement contains the idea of uniting Naga-populated districts in Assam, Arunachal Pradesh, and Manipur. Ravi was accused of tampering with the document by removing critical language that implied Nagaland will coexist as an independent state with India.
Ravi flatly refused to recognise a separate flag and constitution, warning that any misadventure to fragment the magnificent nation will not be accepted. Ravi’s acts were labelled “mischief” by the IM, who demanded his removal. Meanwhile, Ravi maintained contact with the other Naga organisations, saying that the Accord would be signed regardless of whether or not the NSCN was present (IM).
What are the real concerns in all of this?
According to security sources, the excitement with which the framework agreement was unveiled led to unrealistic hopes of a quick agreement. According to a senior officer, the Naga problem is complicated, and the NSCN(IM) is in a precarious situation. It is led by a Tangkhul from Manipur, for whom abandoning the quest for a Greater Nagalim is tough. But India would not accept that demand, and a middle ground must be established, which will take time.
According to sources, the administration will never support a separate constitution for Nagaland. Another official stated that this was never a point of contention and there was a consensus that the flag should be awarded, but after the decisions of August 5, 2019, in Kashmir, when the region’s flag was removed, that option was ruled out. Officials claim that Ravi’s public criticism caused the NSCN(IM) to publicly stiffen its stance. The IM was not pleased with the decision to select Ravi as Governor as well. Ravi’s interest in governance was interpreted by the state government as interference.
The way forward
Mishra who was a former IB official, has been appointed as the government’s new negotiations point person. After Assam Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma and Rio met Muivah and others this week, Mishra met with several IM representatives. Mishra, who sources suggest could be formally named the next interlocutor, is known to be a quiet worker who has been in contact with Naga organizations since January 2020.
Mishra’s job would include bridging the gap between the IM and the NNPGs, who had a good working relationship with Ravi. The NNPGs have declared they are open to working with Mishra; but they have raised concerns about the “ambiguity” of his job, arguing that after the discussions ended on October 31, 2019, that an interlocutor is not needed anymore.
A bicameral Assembly with at least 40 nominated members representing various tribes is one demand; another is for cadres to be absorbed into local armed forces or the Indian paramilitary; yet another is for autonomous councils to be established in Naga-dominated areas of neighboring states, and the use of the Naga flag for at least customary events is another.
Written by- Niki Shah
Edited by- Riya Shah